Fact Sheet: Why Hondurans Are Forced to Flee

Summary:

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This fact sheet was compiled to provide a statistical context to the urgent crisis in Honduras that is forcing Hondurans to flee as refugees to neighbouring countries and to the U.S. border. It attempts to show the increasingly high cost of living that affect the daily lives and economic situations of millions of Honduran families. It provides a summary of the minimum wage and underemployment in the country for the small group of Hondurans that are able to find work but that suffer horrendous working conditions when their employers and the Honduran government do not abide by or enforce the labor code. This fact sheet also provides a few statistics related to the security situation in the country by looking at the homicide rate, the impunity rate, and the number of massacres that have occurred in the last few years. There is also a section about corruption and drug trafficking with details on involvement of government officials and Congressional representatives in corruption cases and drug trafficking. The final section includes statistics related to human rights issues and targeted populations such as students, Afro-indigenous Garifuna people, journalists, lawyers, and more.


Living Expenses in Honduras

Brief Context: Many Honduras will cite expensive living, unemployment, and other economic reasons for why they flee the country and why they cannot sustain their families in Honduras. Economic hardship is one of many complex reasons why Hondurans decide to pack up their belongings and flee in search of better living conditions.

Energy Prices: These continue to increase since the privatization of the National Electrical Energy Company (ENEE) in 2014. Honduran households began seeing the impact of the privatization in their energy bills in 2016 and since then, price increases have placed a growing burden on Honduran families (1).

  • Recent energy price increases: Between April 2018 and January 2020, energy prices increased by at least 40% at four different times (2). There is no end in sight as the Honduran government implements strict economic recovery measures to meet their macro economic agreements with the International Monetary Fund (3).

Gas Prices: Hondurans pay approximately the same prices as Californians at the gas pumps. California currently has the second highest gas prices in the United States.

  • In Honduras: (4)

    • 2018: lowest price: $3.26/gallon (Dec). Highest: $3.81/gallon (Oct)

    • 2019: lowest price: $3.16/gallon. Highest price: $3.72/gallon (May)

    • 2020: $3.60/gallon (Jan)

  • In California: (5)

    • 2018: lowest price: $3.15/gallon (Jan). Highest: $3.71 (Oct)

    • 2019: lowest price: $3.13/gallon. Highest price: $4.09 (Oct 2019)

    • 2020: $3.52/gallon (Jan)

Price of Basic Food Basket: This cost is $12.71 more expensive than the minimum wage earned by a Honduran employee working for minimum wage in a U.S. or Canadian-owned sweatshop in Honduras. (6)

  • In December 2019: The basic food basket included approximately 30 products for a 2,200 calories/day/person for a household of 5 people for a month: Total cost: 8,677.15 Lps/$348.48 USD or 1,735.43 Lps/person/$69.70 USD (7).

Healthcare and Education: The government invests little in public education and healthcare, particularly with the growing interests by the government and international financial institutions in privatization of both social services. Hondurans are increasingly forced to pay out of pocket for basic healthcare and public education. Some examples include:

  • Healthcare: There are no supplies and few medications provided in the hospitals. The crisis in the hospitals has worsened dramatically in the last 5 years. In order to be served by a physician, patients are expected to purchase all materials and medications. Long lines are a major problem.

  • Education: User fees continue to increase - Parents pay to register their children, pay for uniforms, books, sometimes desks, and the salaries of the security guards and janitors.


Minimum Wage and Underemployment in Honduras

Minimum Wage/Salaries: A minimum wage employee of a U.S. and Canadian-owned sweatshop earns $335.77 USD/month. Almost half of all people employed by the private sector do not receive minimum wage. This means that many private companies do not abide by the labour code, do not follow the law, and given the high impunity rate, are not held accountable.  

  • Minimum wage in Honduras depends on two factors: 1. Industry sector (there are 11 in total), 2. Number of people employed (except in special free trade zones whether it does not matter how many employees a company has)

  • The Honduran Labour Code is NOT ENFORCED. According to the Honduran Ministry of Work and Social Security (STSS), 43% of all private sector workers (653,096 workers) do not receive minimum wage. Young people are the most affected where 56.16% do not receive minimum wage (8).

  • 2020 minimum wage for private companies with 1 to 10 employees: Lowest: $271.59/month or $1.13/hour in agriculture, forestry, hunting, and fishing industry. Highest: $386.44/month or $1.61/hour in the financial establishment and real estate industry (9).

  • 2020 for companies located in free trade zones: Flat rate: 8,226.39 Lps/month or $335.77/month (9)

Underemployment rate: Over two thirds (62.8%) of the Honduran working population were underemployed in 2018 and 56% in 2017 (10). In comparison, in 2018 in the U.S., the underemployment rate was 11.1% according to the Economic Policy Institute.


Citizen Security (or lack there of)

Brief Context: Despite millions of dollars from the U.S., Canadian, and European Union governments to improve citizen security and address judicial delay and impunity rates, Honduras is not a safer country for its citizens. Many Hondurans that flee the country will refer to the insecurity and the deep mistrust of state security forces, the lack of action by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and the justice system to investigate, prosecute, and bring perpetrators of crime to justice.

Homicide Rate: This continues to be one of the highest in the world. In 2017, Honduras had the third highest murder rate in the world (11).

  • 3,726 people were killed in Honduras (pop 8.5 million) in 2018. Homicide rate: 40.86 per 100,000 compared to the U.S. (4.9) or Canada (1.76) (12).

  • 70.5% of the homicides were committed with a firearm. 382 were women and 113 worked in the transportation industry (13).

Impunity rate: This rate is over 90% - this means that 9 out of 10 crimes are exempt from punishment and perpetrators are never brought to justice (14).

  • Impunity rate for crimes against human rights defenders: 97%

  • 75% of indictments filed by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, only 25% of the cases proceed to trial (14).

Massacres and Killings of Targeted Groups: Massacres occur frequently in Honduras and generate an overall environment of fear across the country. Massacres are defined as violent assassinations of 3 or more people in one incident.

  • In 2019, there were 70 massacres involving 281 victims, the majority were young people. This means that there is often more than one massacre in one week in Honduras all year round (15).

  • In the first 13 days of January 2019, there were 6 massacres in different cities around the country (16)

  • In the first 2 days of January 2020, 21 people were killed (17). In the first 15 days of January 2020, 15 women were killed (18).


Corruption and Drug Trafficking:

Brief Context: Millions of dollars have been stolen from Honduran state institutions for the benefit of government officials and their family members. The New York Southern District court has called the involvement of high-level government officials and state institutions in drug trafficking as “state-sponsored drug trafficking.” One Honduran anti-corruption state body stated that the Honduran government loses $480 million from corruption per year (19). This money could be going to social programs including healthcare, education, and other social programs to benefit the country’s poor and reduce the push factors that cause mass migration.

Corruption: Many corruption cases involve networks of government officials and their family members including the two former President’s wives.

  • The former first lady and wife of ex-President Porfirio Lobo was found guilty and sentenced to 58 years in prison for fraud and appropriating $779,000 USD of public funds destined for social programs (20)

  • 170 current and former Honduran Congressional representatives were involved in looting over $70 million from the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock and other state institutions in the Pandora corruption case prepared by the anti-corruption body, the MACCIH (21).

  • $350 million was stolen from the Honduran National Social Security Institute (IHSS) and a portion of stolen funds went into funding the 2013 election of current President Juan Orlando Hernandez (22).

Drug Trafficking: Honduras is a narco-state that participates in “state-sponsored drug trafficking,” according to the Southern District Court in New York.

  • In October 2019, Juan Antonio “Tony” Hernandez, the brother of President Juan Orlando Hernandez was found guilty of four counts of drug trafficking, using illegal weapons to smuggle drugs, and lying to U.S. federal authorities in the Southern District Court of New York (SDNY) (23).

  • Current and former Presidents, Juan Orlando Hernandez and Porfirio Lobo Sosa are named as co-conspirators in Tony Hernandez’s drug case. Two current Congressmen, Oscar Nájera and Reynaldo Ekonomo were named in the same SDNY case for their involvement in aiding drug traffickers working with Tony Hernandez (24).


Human Rights Issues:

Brief Context: The human rights situation in Honduras has continued to worsen, particularly since the 2009 military coup. Journalists, lawyers, students, small farmers, Afro-indigenous Garifuna peoples, and many individuals critical of the government are targeted for speaking the truth, challenging the interests of the rich and powerful, and defending their territories. Hondurans that stay in the country to fight for true democracy and deep structural change must confront repression, criminalization, assassinations, threats, and imprisonment.

Land and Environmental Defenders: According to Global Witness, 120 Honduran activists were killed from 2010 to 2016 for “protecting their rivers, forests, or land” (25).

Small Farmers (Campesinos):

  • From 2010 to 2013, 88 members or associates of campesino movements have been targeted and killed in the northern Aguan Valley. At least three quarters of the killings remain in impunity (26).

  • Over 5,000 campesinos including approximately 700 women campesinos face charges as a result of land conflicts around the country (27).

Journalists and Lawyers: These professionals continue to be at greater risk and people who commit crimes against them enjoy a 92% impunity rate.

  • There were 66 murders of journalists from 2013 to 2019. 24 were investigated and only 8 cases went to trial (28).

  • Reporters ‘Without Borders’ wrote that since securing his (illegal) second term in 2017, President Juan Orlando Hernandez has “increased control over news and information and takes a range of initiatives to silence the most outspoken journalists” (29).

  • From 2010 to 2014, 29 people that identified as journalists were murdered. All crimes have 97% impunity. 12 of these killings occurred in 2012 (30).

  • 77 murders of journalists & lawyers from 2001 to 2019, only six have been investigated and 71 remain in impunity (30).

Afro-indigenous Garifuna: Eight Garifuna people, mostly leaders and women, were killed from September 2019 to Dec 2019. (31)

Political Prisoners & Imprisoned Water Defenders: Nine political prisoners are in jail for protesting government privatization policies and extraction projects. All have been held in maximum-security prisons.

  • Over 23 political prisoners were imprisoned between 4 months to two years after the 2017 electoral crisis. The majority were jailed in military-run, maximum-security prisons (32).

  • 8 water and life defenders from Guapinol & other communities in the area remain imprisoned for defending their environment, water supply, and resisting mining operations in a national park (33).

  • Rommel Herrera, a young teacher, remains imprisoned after arrested and accused of damages to the U.S. Embassy during a protest (34).

Human Rights Defenders: Are killed and frequently attacked for their work defending human rights.  

  • From 2014 to August 2018, 65 human rights defenders were murdered in Honduras (35).

  • In 2016 and 2017, human rights defenders, their organizations, and family members reported more than 1,232 attacks against them (35).

Students: Students involved in protesting the privatization of education are often targeted and criminalized.

  • Many University students participated in protests in defense of public education in 2014 and 2016. In this context, 70 were criminalized and 24 were expelled from university (36). At least 15 more were criminalized in 2017 (37).

  • Approximately 21,000 students (elementary, high school, and university) were killed from 2010 to 2016 (38). Over 89 students were killed in 2019 alone (39).


References

(1) “IMF Policies and the Privatization of the National Energy Company Hits Honduran Households”, September 24, 2016. http://www.aquiabajo.com/blog/2016/9/24/imf-policies-the-privatization-of-the-national-energy-company-hits-honduran-households.  And also see “The IMF and Privatization of Honduras: Impact on the National Energy Company”, December 17, 2014. http://www.aquiabajo.com/blog/2014/12/the-imf-and-privatization-in-honduras.html

(2) 10% energy price increase in April 2018: “Descontento popular en Honduras por aumento del 10% a la energy”, April 1, 2018: https://www.lavanguardia.com/vida/20190401/461402975116/descontento-popular-en-honduras-por-aumento-del-10--a-la-energia.html; 18% price increase in October 2018: “Tarifa electrica sube 18% para clientes residenciales y 12% para otros sectors” October 2018: https://www.laprensa.hn/honduras/1223700-410/tarifa-electrica-sube-clientes-residenciales-aumento-factura-enee; 10% in April 2019: “Trancazo: tarifa de energya eléctrica aumenta un 10% a partir de abril” March 30, 2019: https://www.laprensa.hn/honduras/1271677-410/tarifa-energ%C3%ADa-luz-honduras-trancazo-aumento-incremento-medicion-eeh-enee-electrica3.64% increase in January 2020: “CREE aprobó nuevo incremento en la , tarifa de energía eléctrica para el 2020” December 31, 2019: https://hondudiario.com/2019/12/31/cree-aprobo-nuevo-incremento-en-la-tarifa-de-energia-electrica-para-el-2020/

(3) La Prensa, “Déficit de la ENEE autmentó L20,351 milliones en los últimos seis años”, January 20, 2020: https://www.laprensa.hn/economia/1351908-410/deficit-enee-aumento-20351-millones-lempiras-ultimos-seis-anos. The reasons for ENEE’s deficit are complex but corruption plays a defining role in the energy company’s poor economic situation that has grown over several years.

(4) Gas prices in Honduras: https://proceso.hn/index.php/component/k2/item/213760-tabla-de-precios-de-los-combustibles-2020

(5) Gas prices in California: information calculated using the California Energy Commission’s data found at: https://ww2.energy.ca.gov/almanac/transportation_data/gasoline/retail_gasoline_prices2_cms.html

(6) This is calculated using the data listed and referenced in the ‘minimum wage section’ of this fact sheet.

(7) El Heraldo, “Costo de la canasta alimenticia es de L 8, 677.15 al mes en Honduras,” December 2019, https://www.elheraldo.hn/economia/1340283-466/costo-canasta-alimenticia-es-del-867715-al-mes

(8) El Heraldo, “Empresas no pagan salario mínimo al 43% de trabajadores.” May 2019, https://www.elheraldo.hn/economia/1256529-466/empresas-no-pagan-salario-m%C3%ADnimo-al-43-de-trabajadores

(9) Honduran Ministry of Labor and Social Security, “Tabla de salario mínimo 2020” http://www.trabajo.gob.hn/tabla-de-salario-minimo-2019-y-tabla-del-bono-educativo-2019/

(10) El Heraldo, “La tasa de subempleo subió a 62.8% durante 2018 en Honduras.” January 2019, https://www.elheraldo.hn/economia/1253875-466/la-tasa-de-subempleo-subi%C3%B3-a-628-durante-2018-en-honduras

(11) United Nations Global Study on Homicide 2019. http://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/murder-rate-by-country/

(12) Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, Informe de pais, Honduras, “Situación de derechos humanos en Honduras” August 27, 2019, page 36 https://www.oas.org/es/cidh/informes/pdfs/Honduras2019.pdf

(13) Ibid, page 38.

(14) Ibid, page 46 and 47

(15) El Tiempo, “2019 en Honduras cierra con 70 masacres: 281 víctimas, mayoría jóvenes.” December 31, 2019, https://tiempo.hn/2019-en-honduras-cierra-con-70-masacres-281-victimas-mayoria-jovenes/

(16) El Heraldo, “Honduras registra seis masacres en los primeros días de 2019” January 13, 2019, https://www.elheraldo.hn/sucesos/1249625-466/honduras-registra-seis-masacres-en-los-primeros-13-d%C3%ADas-de-2019

(17) La Prensa, “Alarmante: 21 homicidios tras iniciar el 2020 en Honduras.” January 2, 2020. https://www.laprensa.hn/sucesos/1345869-410/homicidios-honduras-primeros-dos-dias-enero-nuevo-a%C3%B1o

(18) HRN, “15 mujeres han sido asesinadas en los primeros días del 2020 en Honduras.” January 14, 2020, https://radiohrn.hn/15-mujeres-han-sido-asesinadas-en-los-primeros-dias-del-2020-en-honduras/

(19) El Tiempo, “Unos L. 10 milliones pierde el Estado de Honduras en materia de corrupción.” August 10, 2017, https://tiempo.hn/corrupcion-en-honduras-perdidas/

(20) Reuters, “Former first lady of Honduras sentenced to 58 years in jail.” September 4, 2019, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-honduras-corruption/former-first-lady-of-honduras-sentenced-to-58-years-in-jail-idUSKCN1VQ00Y

(21) El Heraldo, “Hasta 360 diputados y exdiputados esta salpicados por caso Pandora” August 6, 2019. https://www.laprensa.hn/honduras/1307807-410/corrupcion-caja-pandora-honduras-juan-orlando-hernandez-joh-desvio-fondos-

(22) Reuters, “Honduras president: graft-linked companies helped fund my campaign.” June 3, 2015, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-honduras-corruption/honduras-president-graft-linked-companies-helped-fund-my-campaign-idUSKBN0OJ26B20150603

(23) New York Times, “Honduran President’s brother found guilty of drug trafficking.” October 18, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/18/world/americas/honduras-president-brother-drug-trafficking.html

(24) Contracorriente, “Tiempo de crímenes: un juicio sobre el control narco en Honduras.” https://contracorriente.red/2019/10/14/tiempo-de-crimenes-un-juicio-sobre-el-control-narco-en-honduras/

(25) Global Witness, “Honduras: the deadliest country in the world for environmental activism.” January 31, 2017, https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/environmental-activists/honduras-deadliest-country-world-environmental-activism/

(26) Annie Bird, Rights Action, “Human rights violations attributed to military forces in the Bajo Aguan Valley in Honduras.” Februray 20, 2013, https://rightsaction.org/sites/default/files/Rpt_130220_Aguan_Final.pdf, and Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, Informe de pais, Honduras, “Situación de derechos humanos en Honduras” August 27, 2019, page 98 https://www.oas.org/es/cidh/informes/pdfs/Honduras2019.pdf

(27) Conexihon, “Mas de 5,000 campesinos procesados judicialmente en Honduras,” March 2015, http://old.conexihon.hn/site/noticia/derechos-humanos/conflicto-agrario-y-minero/m%C3%A1s-de-5000-campesinos-procesados-judicialmente

(28) Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, Informe de pais, Honduras, “Situación de derechos humanos en Honduras” August 27, 2019, page 62 https://www.oas.org/es/cidh/informes/pdfs/Honduras2019.pdf

(29) Reporters Without Borders, “Honduras” https://rsf.org/en/honduras

(30) Statistic reported by the Honduran Human Rights Commission (Comisionado de Derechos Humanos de Honduras CONADEH) and reported by Once Noticias, “Casos sin resolver: “otro día del periodista” y persisten las cifras alarmantes de impunidad en asesinatos de comunicadores. May 26, 2019, https://www.oncenoticias.hn/persisten-cifras-alarmantes-impunidad-asesinatos-comunicadores/

(31) Black Fraternal Organization of Honduras (OFRANEH), “Basta ya de asesinatos contra el pueblo Garifuna” November 5, 2019, https://ofraneh.wordpress.com/2019/11/05/basta-ya-de-asesinatos-contra-el-pueblo-garifuna/

(32) United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner, “Las violaciones a los derechos humanos el el context de las elecciones de 2017 en Honduras.” 2017, https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/HN/2017ReportElectionsHRViolations_Honduras_SP.pdf

(33) Center for Studies for Democracy (CESPAD), “Guapinol y Sector San Pedro: Situación de presos politicos por el agua y la vida.” September 12, 2019, https://cespad.org.hn/2019/09/12/guapinol-y-sector-san-pedro-situacion-de-presos-politicos-por-el-agua-y-la-vida/

(34) Committee of Relatives of the Detained-Disappeared in Honduras (COFADEH), “En espera la libertad de Rommel.” October 10, 2019. https://defensoresenlinea.com/en-espera-la-libertad-de-rommel/

(35) Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, Informe de pais, Honduras, “Situación de derechos humanos en Honduras” August 27, 2019, page 88 https://www.oas.org/es/cidh/informes/pdfs/Honduras2019.pdf

(36) Ibid, page 90

(37) C-LIBRE, “15 nuevos estudiantes universitarios criminalizados por participar en protesta” August 7, 2017, http://www.clibrehonduras.com/index.php/alertas/criminalizacion-de-la-protesta-publica/724-15-nuevos-estudiantes-universitarios-criminalizados-por-participar-en-protesta

(38) Statistics collected by the Violence Observatory of the National Autonomous University of Honduras and reported by Notibomba, “Mas de 21 mil estudiantes asesinados en los últimos 7 años en Honduras,” September 3, 2018, https://notibomba.com/21mil/

(39) La Prensa, “Estudiantes de secundaria, blanco constante de la violencia en Cortés y Francisco Morazán,” November 19, 2019, https://www.laprensa.hn/honduras/1334416-410/estudiantes-asesinados-honduras-violencia-seguridad-educacion

United States Supports Honduran Police Implicated in Drug Trafficking

On October 18 in a New York courtroom, Juan Antonio “Tony” Hernandez, the brother of Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez, was found guilty of drug trafficking. After nine days of trial, five collaborating witnesses, and five pieces of physical evidence, the New York Southern District court convicted Tony Hernandez for drug trafficking, use and possession of weapons to traffic drugs, and lying to U.S. federal prosecutors. In a suit and tie and in the presence of his mother, Hernandez received the news that he faces up to three life sentences in prison.

The conviction of the brother of a sitting President in many ways is historical but the most impactful element of the trial was the damning evidence and information revealed about the role of Juan Orlando Hernandez and Honduran state institutions in drug trafficking.

Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez addressing the UN General Assembly. Photo credit: Brittainy Newman, New York Times.

Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez addressing the UN General Assembly. Photo credit: Brittainy Newman, New York Times.

Five confessed drug traffickers gave testimony at Tony Hernandez’s (or TH for his initials he used to stamp on his cocaine) trial as part of their plea deal with federal prosecutors. All five outlined TH’s drug trafficking activities but also touched on how TH, Juan Orlando Hernandez (JOH), the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the Judiciary, and most importantly, the Honduran military and police protected them from prosecution, assisted in trafficking drugs, and acted as assassins to eliminate drug rivals and enemies.

One of the principal arguments of lead federal prosecutor Emil J. Bove was that since 2010, Honduras has been fully converted into a narco-state involved in “state-sponsored drug trafficking.” The level of institutional support in Honduras for drug trafficking, according to Bove, went far beyond just a few ‘bad apples’ in the system.

The Pink Elephant in the Room: US Support for “State-Sponsored Drug Trafficking”

These powerful statements by a US federal prosecutor have consequences not just for Honduras but for US foreign policy in Honduras. Throughout the trial, a huge pink elephant sat unacknowledged in the corner of the courtroom.

The U.S. support for the construction and maintenance of a narco-state in Honduras increased after the 2009 U.S. and Canadian-backed coup d’état. U.S. support for “state-sponsored drug trafficking,” intentional or not, came in many forms - the Central American Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) that includes training and financial support to the Honduran military, police and state intelligence institutions, the Alliance for Prosperity, USAID projects, and more. Diplomatically and politically, the U.S. supported the two National Party governments under Porfirio “Pepe” Lobo who is named as co-conspirator 3 (CC3) in the same New York drug case and support for two (illegal) Presidential terms of co-conspirator 4 (CC4), the current Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez (JOH)

Under President Obama, the U.S. Congress appropriated more than $2 billion in aid through CARSI to assist the region’s law enforcement institutions and justice systems. The Trump administration has maintained Obama’s security framework for Central America but has focused more on diverting migrants away from the border, ramping up border security, and supporting programs that allegedly address migration.

Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez with U.S. President Donald Trump. Photo credit: Wall Street Journal

Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez with U.S. President Donald Trump. Photo credit: Wall Street Journal

Some of that $2 billion went into supporting a Special Commission for the Cleanup and Transformation of the Honduran National Police as scandal after scandal, assassinations, and organized criminal activities linked to the police, became public in Honduras long before TH was indicted. The Special Commission is still active today but the TH trial helped illuminate the partial if not total failure of the efforts to clean up the police in Honduras.

Most importantly, the conviction of TH in New York helps North Americans make an even stronger argument for U.S. Congressional support for the H.R. 1945 or the Berta Cáceres Human Rights Act in Honduras. On top of the human rights abuses against journalist, campesinos, environmentalists, and land defenders in Honduras, we can now easily argue, with evidence and names, that the US through its security aid and training, is supporting and training an essential element of the “state-sponsored drug trafficking” machine in Honduras. 

Honduran Police’s Involvement in Drug Trafficking

Through testimonies of five confessed drug traffickers collaborating with the prosecution - all of whom were TH and JOH’s drug business associates - it became part of the public record that the Honduran National Police provided security to drug traffickers and drug shipments over several years. Federal prosecutors found photos on the phone that was confiscated from TH when arrested in the Miami airport. The photos show how police vehicles and state security personnel escorted drug shipments across Honduras on behalf of drug traffickers.

Federal prosecutors argued that Juan Carlos “El Tigre” Bonilla, the former head of the Honduran National Police (2012 to 2013) was the go-to assassin for TH and his drug associates. In one case mentioned in the trial in the New York courtroom, TH called on Bonilla, who was appointed by CC3 or former President Porfirio Lobo, to murder drug rival Franklin Arita who refused to allow drug shipments pass through land he deemed his drug territory. This is not surprising to Hondurans who heard in 2014, among other allegations, powerful testimony about Bonilla’s involvement in death squad extrajudicial killings and torture inside unmarked houses in Tegucigalpa.

Former Head of the Honduran National Police Juan Carlos “El Tigre” Bonilla who according to witnesses in the TH trial, acted as an assassin for drug traffickers while active in the police force

Former Head of the Honduran National Police Juan Carlos “El Tigre” Bonilla who according to witnesses in the TH trial, acted as an assassin for drug traffickers while active in the police force

When the Honduran government could no longer handle the public criticism of Bonilla, he was reassigned to a “Honduran diplomatic mission in Colombia.” Whether coincidence or not, TH maintained drug manufacturing labs in Colombia which he used to make cocaine, stamp them with his initials (or others of his buyers’). In fact, his ability to produce cocaine in his own labs in Colombia and Honduras turned him into a major drug supplier. His buyers were infamous Mexican cartel leader Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman, the Sinoloa cartel, and almost all major Honduran drug traffickers at one point or another.

Geovani Rodriguez, former Sub-Director of the National Police and confessed drug trafficker who is now in prison in the US, also testified during the TH trial. Rodriguez spoke about his strategic placement inside the National Police and the promotions he received after supplying information to TH about special operations related to national police drug trafficking efforts. He confessed that he had been accused in Honduras for stealing drugs in 2009 but individuals connected to TH paid off the case judge and the charges were dropped. He remained active in the Honduran National police reaching the institution’s highest levels thanks to strategic promotions throughout his career in the police from 1991 to 2016.  

Left: Geovani Rodriguez, former Honduran police officer, right: Tony Hernandez. Photo credit: Notibomba

Left: Geovani Rodriguez, former Honduran police officer, right: Tony Hernandez. Photo credit: Notibomba

Other witnesses testified how they made requests to TH about placing certain police officers in key positions and locations in Honduras in order to facilitate drug shipments and drug-related murders. This evidence shows that regardless of whether the police corruption problem comes from ‘bad apples’ or not, that police are easily manipulated, controlled, and paid to either assist drug traffickers, look the other way, or conduct simple operations like moving police check points to guarantee the safe passage of drugs and illegal weapons. Even Oscar Nájera, an active sitting Congressman was named in the trial for taking requests by phone from drug cartels to help move or dismantle military and police check points to allow for drug and weapon shipments to pass through without delay.  

A U.S. Policy Failure? Or Was It Ever About Making Honduras Safer?

The U.S. government through the State Department’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) paid the salaries of the two Hondurans who worked on the Special Commission designated to clean up the Honduran police. This Commission was created in 2016. Both Hondurans work with the Association for a More Just Society (ASJ), an NGO accused of strong connections to the Honduran National Party that until recently, received over half of its budget from the U.S. government. These men worked alongside General Julian Pacheco, who is a member of the five-person Special Police Purge Commission to supposedly remove police that are corrupt or involved in organized crime or illicit activities.

This Commission has been criticized extensively for its lack of transparency and public accountability. Some police are removed without justification and dozens if not hundreds end up getting their jobs back after suing the government for unjustified removal.

According to Javier Murillo*, a low-level purged police officer that was notified of his removal from the police through a communiqué post by the Special Commission on Facebook:

In my case the only reason that I was given was an article of the Commission’s law for restructuring purposes and that was it. They didn’t say that my resumé was inadequate or that I have a legal complaint filed against me, and it didn’t say that there was an internal written report about me. There was no justification, they just fired me. And there were 5,000 or something that were fired as well. Some were fired for their sexual orientation because they are gay or lesbian or some had chronic illnesses like HIV or cancer, which when fired, lost their health benefits. But between many of us that worked in the police, there were corrupt police that continue in the institution … many Generals were promoted by the President [Juan Orlando Hernandez] and others were not. Now, many in the police leadership are totally in favor of the current government. Many that were fired, fought to be reintegrated or to get their jobs back. In the office of the Ministry of Security based in Mateo [in Tegucigalpa], there are lawyers that wait for purged police officers to offer them their services. They read their file, sue the state, and end up helping get them job back. Many have gotten their jobs back after waiting a few years for a resolution that their firing was unjustified.

The Special Commission has also been criticized for its failure to prosecute all police officers or organized criminal groups operating in the police force during or after their removal. Without a judicial process, purged police officers remain active and continue to operate in any criminal group or activity that they were previously involved in. The incentive to continue these activities actually increases after removal because of the economic difficulties and consequences that losing one’s job implies for many Hondurans where employment opportunities and jobs are extremely limited.

Without an accountability process, testifying witness in the TH case, Geovani Rodriguez and many other police can stay active in organized crime and utilize influence peddling to continue working with drug traffickers and active members of the police. Many officers who are fired continue their illicit activities and/or continue their careers as paid assassins. As ex-Defense Minister Edmundo Orellana told the Honduran press, “a large quantity of assassins in this country come from elements purged from the National Police.”

But even the highest levels of the Special Commission have been linked to drug interests. General Pacheco, the current Minister of Security, met with drug traffickers and, according to testimony in TH’s trial, received bribes and payments from drug traffickers. This is not surprising since JOH or CC4 nominated Pacheco as Security Ministry. Of course CC4 (JOH) would not place anyone on the Commission that could threat his or his brother TH’s interests in maintaining key allies in the National Police that promoted their drug cartel interests. 

During the inauguration ceremony of the Special Commission for the Cleanup and Transformation of the Honduran National Police. From left to right: Security Minister Julian Pacheco, President Juan Orlando Hernandez (or CC-4), Omar Rivera (ASJ), Vilma…

During the inauguration ceremony of the Special Commission for the Cleanup and Transformation of the Honduran National Police. From left to right: Security Minister Julian Pacheco, President Juan Orlando Hernandez (or CC-4), Omar Rivera (ASJ), Vilma Morales, and Pastor Alberto Sorozano.

Where To Go From Here: Suspend U.S. Support for the Honduran Government

U.S. aid to Honduras over the last 10 years has not made Honduras a safer place for its citizens despite this being one of CARSI’s main objectives. Until the Honduran police and military act in the interests of Hondurans and not drug cartels, all U.S. security to the Honduran government should be suspended. All U.S. security aid to Honduras must be stopped until drug traffickers and those that promote their interests, are removed from key government positions. While CC4 remains in the Presidential palace, Hondurans will not see even slight changes to address rampant impunity and corruption. Despite Trump’s border security efforts, U.S. supported “state-sponsored drug trafficking” in Honduras that terrorizes the population, will mean that Hondurans will continue to flee to the U.S. southern borders.

* Name changed to protect identity of person

Murders In Honduran Prisons Linked to New York Drug Case Against President’s Brother

Military in the maximum-security prisons in Honduras. Credit: El Heraldo

Military in the maximum-security prisons in Honduras. Credit: El Heraldo

In late October 2019, two drug associates of Juan Antonio “Tony” Hernandez, were murdered inside two maximum-security prisons in Honduras.

The killing of Magdaleno Meza Fúnez (or Nery López Sanabria) in El Pozo prison and Marco Tulio Amador in La Tolva jail occurred a week after President Juan Orlando Hernandez (JOH)’s brother, Tony Hernandez was found guilty of drug trafficking, use of illegal weapons, and lying to federal authorities in the New York Southern District Court on October 19, 2019.

Both murders were caught on prison surveillance cameras and within hours, the videos circulated in the Honduran press. The victims were believed to possess relevant information and physical evidence of President JOH’s and Tony Hernandez’s involvement in drug trafficking.

Video One: Magdaleno Fúnez Murdered Inside ‘El Pozo’ Prison

On October 26, 2019, Magdaleno Meza Fúnez was shot and stabbed inside the U.S.-style, maximum-security ‘El Pozo’ prison in Ilama, Santa Barbara. The video of the murder shows Meza Fúnez standing next to another prisoner (both dressed in white t-shirts) speaking with the prison director, Pedro Ildefenso Armas (later fired and then murdered) in the presence of other prison authorities. Then, a guard dressed in a military uniform opens the door to a cell block (or modulo as they are named in Honduras). As soon as the door is opened, several prisoners belonging to one of the largest organized criminal gangs in Central America, the MS13 shot at and stab Meza Fúnez as prison authorities flee the scene.

** WARNING: VIDEO IS VIOLENT AND DISTURBING **

Magdaleno Meza Fúnez or Nery López Sanabria is a drug associate of President JOH’s brother, Tony Hernandez. When he was arrested in Honduras on June 5, 2018, nine spiral notebooks (drug ledgers), weapons, and over $190,000 were found inside vehicles he and others were driving. The drug ledgers later became one of five important physical pieces of evidence used by U.S. federal prosecutors to demonstrate Tony Hernandez’s guilt in the New York Southern District Court. The ledgers listed Tony Hernandez, Juan Orlando Hernandez and others’ names as either receiving money, bribes, or drugs in Meza Fúnez’s drug trafficking activities.

Nery Lopez Sanabria or Magdaleno Meza Funez. Credit: La Prensa Honduras

Nery Lopez Sanabria or Magdaleno Meza Funez. Credit: La Prensa Honduras

Meza Fúnez is referred to using two different names. It is believed that he faked his (Nery López Sanabria) own death by registering his death in the Honduran National Persons Registry and later surgically altering his appearance as a disguise against being caught by law enforcement officials. He changed his name to Magdaleno Meza Fúnez.

For months following his detention, Meza Fúnez was held in the Tamara jail, a regular Honduran prison outside of Tegucigalpa and later transferred to the maximum-security El Pozo prison in northwestern Honduras. While in El Pozo, his lawyers repeatedly denounced the inhumane detention conditions he was held in, threats against his life, and fears that Meza Fúnez would be killed.

After he was murdered, Meza Fúnez’s lawyer Carlos Chajtur told Honduran press that his client had agreed to cooperate with U.S. federal prosecutors - this information was later confirmed in audio recordings of Meza Fúnez recorded before he was killed and later leaked by Univision. Meza Fúnez had critical information regarding the drug activities of high-level Honduran government officials including Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez who is named as a co-conspirator in the same case against his brother, Tony Hernandez.

Video Two: Marco Tulio Amador Murdered Inside La Tolva Prison

On October 25, 2019, less than 12 hours before the murder of Meza Fúnez in El Pozo prison, prisoner Marco Tulio Amador Varela was shot and killed inside the U.S.-style maximum-security La Tolva jail in southeastern Honduras. The video of Amador Varela’s murder shows two prisoners in white t-shirts talking with Amador Varela who is standing behind a metal fence. Moments later, a small group of prisoners that are returning to their cell block enter the frame of the video. Prisoner Marvin Lara, who is pushing a fellow prisoner in a wheelchair, quickly pulls away from the group, draws a gun and shoots at Amador Varela. The prisoners run away and Lara returns to turn himself over to the prison guards.

** WARNING: VIDEO IS VIOLENT AND DISTURBING **

At the time of his murder, Amador Varela was being held in a makeshift detention room in a special area of the prison. Weeks before he was killed, he had been taken out of the cell block where the general population is detained, for security reasons. In the video, he is standing in the area that is isolated from the rest of the cellblocks and was not expecting his fellow prisoner to pull a gun.

Former Honduran mayor Alexander ArdON (left) with President juan orlando hernandez

Former Honduran mayor Alexander ArdON (left) with President juan orlando hernandez

A few weeks after his murder, Honduran press reported that Amador Varela was the right-hand man of former Honduran mayor and confessed drug trafficker, Alexander Ardón. Ardón was a collaborating witness for U.S. federal prosecutors and testified against Tony Hernandez in New York courts. He was an important drug associate of Hernandez who met with El Chapo ‘Guzman’ and assisted President JOH in winning his Presidential elections.

Things That Are “Odd” (Or Not So Much) About The Circumstances Surrounding the Murders:

  • Both crimes occur inside maximum-security prisons with, according to President JOH, the most advanced security technology and various levels of security involving police and military forces. Weapons such as the guns must pass through two rings of security including one strict security check point that involves technologically advanced body and object scanners followed by physical revisions by military soldiers that are part of the National Force for the Control of the Prisons. This National Force was created by President JOH in November 2018 and is equipped with the "latest generation of technology” in order to “reinforce security” in the prison system. In addition to the National Force, Military Police are stationed inside the maximum-security prisons and the military-run National Anti-Gang Force.

  • The tactics to kill both prisoners are similar: Both look like they are being distracted through conversation while their killers seize the opportunities to murder them.

  • There are wheelbarrows in the frames in both videos. Some Hondurans believe that this is not a coincidence and could be a message or a sign with a specific meaning of some sort.

  • The Director in El Pozo jail is a police officer part of the National Penitentiary Institute (INP), the government institution in charge of the prison system in Honduras. This is unusual since the construction and inauguration of the maximum-security prisons have largely been under the control of military officers such as lieutenant colonels.

  • The circulation of the leaked violent prison videos is unusual. Never have videos of other murders or riots inside Honduras’ maximum-security prisons been circulated in previous occasions. Many Hondurans believe the videos to be a strong message to any potential collaborators willing to cooperate and provide information to New York federal prosecutors about drug activities linked to individuals in the highest levels of the Honduran government.

North American Mining Company Aura Minerals Linked to Drug Trafficking in Honduras

Photo from La Tribuna, Honduras

Photo from La Tribuna, Honduras

Today, November 25, 2019, the Honduran Public Prosecutor’s Office and the Military Police carried out eight raids of houses located in the northern and western departments of Cortés and Copan. During these raids, 7 individually owned businesses, 20 real-estate properties, 13 limited companies, and 320 vehicles were inspected and many were apprehended by authorities.

According to a communiqué released by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the listed assets and six accused individuals, are believed to be linked to the private company named INCOBE owned by Rigoberto Benitez Guerra. Rigoberto Benitez Guerra “has had unjustifiable economic growth with supposed ties to activities linked to drug trafficking” reads the public statement. Benitez Guerra and many of his family members were arrested during the operation according to a tweet posted by Honduran authorities.

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INCOBE is Aura Mineral’s Major Business Associate

INCOBE, the company named in the Prosecutor’s communiqué, is a heavy machinery and transportation company that holds one of the largest contracts with Aura Minerals, a mining company legally incorporated in the U.S. and Canada. Aura Minerals or Minerales del Occidente (MINOSA) by the name of its Honduran subsidiary, currently operates the San Andres mine in La Unión in the western department of Copan. For years, to 2016, Aura Minerals was a Canadian company headquartered in Toronto and currently maintains offices in Toronto, Miami, and the British Virgin Islands.

Picture posted by the Honduran Public Prosecutor’s office of their November 25th operations confiscating Property owned by INCOBE and Benitez family

Picture posted by the Honduran Public Prosecutor’s office of their November 25th operations confiscating Property owned by INCOBE and Benitez family

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INCOBE has been contracted by Aura Minerals for years, to provide heavy machinery used in the mining operations including dump trucks that move crushed rock to the mine’s cyanide-leaching pads. INCOBE’s heavy machines are also currently destroying the 200-year old community cemetery of five communities including Azacualpa in the municipality of La Unión. Residents of Azacualpa have carried out resistance for many years against the mine’s expansion into their community graveyard and to where their houses are located on the adjacent mountain.

INCOBE, like Aura Minerals, Linked to Human Rights Abuses Against Community Leaders Fighting Other Mining Operations

It is likely that INCOBE initiated its ventures into mining-related operations in Honduras through its contact and business experience gained through its relationship with Aura Minerals. According to Honduran public records, INCOBE holds three non-metallic mining concessions in three other locations in Honduras. One of the mines is an iron ore mine in El Nispero in the department of Santa Barbara.

In May 2013, the body of Rigoberto Lopez Hernandez, an anti-mining and community leader was found brutally murdered with signs of torture in the Santa Cruz community in El Nispero, Santa Barbara. Lopez Hernandez was one of many community residents resisting INCOBE’s mining operation. Lopez Hernandez’s throat had been slit, his tongue had been cut out, and his body was discarded in a public place during the height of the community’s struggle as they demanded INCOBE and the local authorities suspend the mining operation. Lopez Hernandez, his community and others, had maintained a road blockade demanding its cancelation, as the mine would negatively impact the water source of many communities in the area. His murder sent a strong message to land defenders and communities fighting mining companies around the country.

Aura Mineral’s Security Company Also Linked to Drug Trafficking

Not only is Aura Minerals’ heavy machinery contractor INCOBE linked to drug trafficking but the security company, Servicios Especiales de Seguridad (SESER) that Aura Minerals contracts to provide security to the San Andres mine, has also been linked to illicit activities.

SESER is a family-run security company founded and owned by Angel Rene Romero, a well-connected former military commander that was part of the infamous military Battalion 3-16 that in the 1980s in Honduras was responsible for political assassinations and the brutal torture of state opponents. Romero is also a former Congressional candidate for the National Party of Honduras.

In 2012, SESER’s assistant manager, José Javier Benítez Rosa was shot by assassins in Honduras’ largest industrial city, San Pedro Sula. The murder was suspected to be linked to drug trafficking based on the manner in which the killing occurred – Benítez was driving a bullet-proof vehicle, followed by the assassins riding a motorcycle accompanied by a getaway pick-up truck, and was killed in the middle of a busy intersection at 9:30 in the morning in a major Honduran city.

Given the close relationship between the two companies INCOBE and SESER (both are companies based in Santa Rosa de Copan, business associates of Aura Minerals and other wealthy investors in western Honduras) and the shared last name with Rigoberto Benitez, INCOBE’s owner, José Javier Benítez Rosa is believed to be a relative of Rigoberto Benítez.

Companies Contracted by Aura Mineral Are Drug Associates of Tony Hernandez, the Brother of Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez.

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SESER former assistant manager José Javier Benítez Rosa’s 2012 murder largely went unnoticed by Hondurans until seven years later, when his name was written on a list presented to a U.S. jury in the New York Southern District court during the trial of Juan Antonio “Tony” Hernandez, the brother of Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez.

The list was provided to the New York jury to assist the jurors in keeping track of the drug killings, relevant places mentioned as part of witness testimonies, and individuals involved in the present and historical context of the Honduran drug trafficking case.

As far as what has been reported (the U.S. court transcripts have yet to be released to the public), José Javier Benítez Rosa’s name was mentioned when collaborating witness and confessed drug trafficker, Victor Hugo Díaz Morales or “El Rojo” testified before the court.

In his testimony, “El Rojo” confessed that he had been involved in Benítez Rosa’s killing, which occurred in the context of a drug rivalry between himself and another drug trafficker Emilio Fernandez Rosa or “Don H”. “El Rojo” explained to the jury that Benítez Rosa was working with “Don H” and because of the turf war between the two major drug traffickers, “El Rojo” had him killed along with several others.  

“El Rojo” and “Don H” were close drug trafficking associates of Tony Hernandez (TH) who both purchased cocaine manufactured in drug labs owned by Tony Hernandez. In exchange for millions of dollars in campaign contributions to Juan Orlando Hernandez, Tony Hernandez and his brother protected both men from prosecution in Honduras and to a certain degree, extradition to the U.S. Tony Hernandez also was compensated for transporting El Rojo’s drug shipments in Honduras and provided key information about police and military checkpoints.

Interestingly and possibly an explanation of INCOBE’s role in drug trafficking and money laundering, “El Rojo” also explained to the New York jury that he transported drugs to the Honduras-Guatemala border in dump trucks. Since “El Rojo” and “Don H” worked together for many years leading up to their drug rivalry and INCOBE owns over 300 heavy machines and large trucks, it may even be possible that INCOBE assisted in moving Tony Hernandez’s and his allies’ cocaine in Honduras or even, across the border to Guatemala.

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Too Little, Too Late: “State-Sponsored Drug Trafficking” Continues

U.S. federal prosecutor Emil J. Bove called the role of Honduran institutions in protecting and promoting drug trafficking as “state-sponsored drug trafficking.” According to Bove, millions of dollars in payments to Juan Orlando Hernandez and Tony Hernandez converted state institutions into institutions at the service of drug trafficking interests. This state-sponsored drug trafficking took root in 2010, one year after the U.S. and Canadian-backed 2009 coup d’etat in Honduras. Much of the growth, expansion, and success of Tony and Juan Orlando Hernandez’s drug trafficking cartel goes hand-in-hand with the political and economic support of the U.S., Canada, and the European Union for the post-coup regimes.

Since Tony Hernandez’s trial and damning evidence of the role of the Honduran judiciary, National Police and military, and the Public Prosecutor’s Office in drug trafficking including protecting Tony Hernandez and Juan Orlando Hernandez’s (named as a co-conspirator in NY drug case) business associates, the Public Prosecutor’s Office has been conducting large-scale raids allegedly cracking down on money launder operations in Honduras.

These raids attempt to give the impression that the Public Prosecutor’s Office is finally prosecuting money laundering activities and drug traffickers. However, many in Honduras believe that these actions are not only ‘too little, too late’ but that they are also another “state-sponsored drug trafficking” strategy to eliminate or neutralize figures that have key information, money laundering ties or business links to President Juan Orlando Hernandez, who fears extradition to the U.S. himself.

An Update from Karen Spring Published in the SpringWater News in Simcoe County, Canada

KAREN SPRING REPORTS ON EDWIN ESPINAL, POLITICAL PRISONERS, AND THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN HONDURAS

Raul Alvarez (left) and Edwin Espinal (far Right) with a member of the National committee for the freedom of political prisoners, who is lying in a casket used as a prop to protest the assassinations and criminalization of Hondurans that speak out. …

Raul Alvarez (left) and Edwin Espinal (far Right) with a member of the National committee for the freedom of political prisoners, who is lying in a casket used as a prop to protest the assassinations and criminalization of Hondurans that speak out. the picture is taken outside of the courthouse in El Progreso where the trial of Gustavo caceres was taking place

It has been three months since Edwin Espinal was released from La Tolva prison. I haven’t written anything publicly due to being exhausted and feeling like I ran a 1.5-year marathon with little time to sit down, reflect, and absorb what was going on around me while Edwin was in prison. Thank you to the people who have supported Edwin’s case, my human rights work in Honduras and this belated update from Honduras.

In the three months since his release, Edwin has been recovering, speaking to media, attending the legal hearings and meetings related to the cases of the other political prisoners, spending a lot of time with family, and planning our future.

Edwin continues to have a permanent, loud, ringing sound in his ear. We are told it is tinnitus but still feel we need to see another specialist that can run further tests. Edwin developed the problem in prison after complaining of an ear infection that was never treated. The ringing sound not only interrupts his sleep or other moments of rest or quiet, but also generates a lot of frustration and anger. It reminds him of the whole experience in La Tolva, being denied medical treatment, the unjust way he was detained, and as he often says, “the way the government wanted to make me suffer.” The mental health impact could possibly be worse than the actual physical problem. He frequently gets headaches that he says are linked to the noise in his ears and asks me sometimes to put my head up against his to see if I can hear the loud ringing in his ears. But it is internal and I hear nothing.

Every week, Edwin goes to the courthouse to sign a ledger that is supposed to show to the Honduran judiciary that he has not left the country and that he is still present to face the charges against him. His court date is set for May 14 and 15, 2020.

As for myself, I continue my work supporting the other political prisoner cases. Within the first 6 months following the 2017 electoral crisis, all were released except five including Edwin. Now, only one political prisoner remains in jail; over 170 people still face charges and are forced to sign regularly at courthouses around the country. I am also doing human rights work related to the criminalization of people awaiting trial. Some are being harassed continuously by Honduran military and police.

One young man who was arrested for participating in protests during the 2017 electoral crisis, and who spent four months in the maximum-security El Pozo prison, has been forced into hiding. Military soldiers and police with their faces covered, carrying heavy weapons including illegal weapons like AK47s, have shown up four times at his small house to either raid it when he is not home or just stand outside to intimidate him. He reports that a red Toyota pick-up truck with tinted windows and no license plate is frequently seen parked on his street. Out of fear, the young man has since fled his home. Many people face this type of intimidation and are forced to hide, or move frequently. They fear they will be killed. The Honduras Solidarity Network is assisting this young man and others to raise their profiles to deter the government from harassing them further and to make all the details of the harassment known publicly.

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On November 11, Edwin, Raúl, members of the National Committee for the Freedom of Political Prisoners and myself, traveled to the city of El Progreso for political prisoner Gustavo Cáceres’ trial. It was suspended last week after two witnesses, called by the Honduran government, did not appear. As a defense strategy, Gustavo’s lawyers asked him to testify before the judges. When Gustavo took the stand, the judges asked him to state his ID number, address, and birthdate. He shrugged and could not answer completely, due to his disability. Many people in the courtroom teared up as Gustavo attempted to give his version of the events related to his detention. He was arrested while crossing a bridge where a protest was taking place. When stopped by the police, they put a black bag over his head (a method of torture used by the police to generate fear and attempt to elicit confessions) and took him to the police station. Gustavo told the court in an honest and sincere way, but in broken sentences, that he was close to the protest; he was trying to cross the blocked bridge to go to work. Meanwhile, the police officers that arrested him, contradicted each other, including testifying that Gustavo was arrested in two different places and based on different reasons.

In early October, I attended half of the trial of Juan Antonio “Tony” Hernandez (brother of President Hernandez) in New York. I posted summaries of the trial on my blog aquiabajo.com so people could follow the case. As a result of my attendance at the trial and being closely monitored by the Honduran government, another defamation campaign circulated against me on October 18, 2019, claiming that I was paying people $200 each to protest outside the New York trial and that I received funding from a convicted drug trafficker who is also in jail in the US. These campaigns are dangerous and have become a common tactic of the Honduran government to try to discredit human rights defenders and create security problems for them. This is another reason that I have not written much as both Edwin and I are aware of the exceptionally difficult security situation that we are in in Honduras, particularly given the current political context.

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Since Tony Hernandez was found guilty on 4 counts of drug and weapons smuggling and lying to federal authorities, the environment in Honduras has been eerie and dangerous. As the Canadian and US government insist that the governments in Venezuela, Nicaragua, Cuba, and now to a degree, Bolivia, are drug traffickers and dictators, it is outrageous to hear absolutely nothing from Canadian and US authorities regarding the drug conviction of Tony Hernandez in New York and the role that President Juan Orlando Hernandez continues to play in enabling and participating in drug trafficking.

Now, weeks after this conviction, military, police, and other government institutions are terrorizing the Honduran population so they do not protest. One Honduran journalist has reported that since the conviction, 11 people linked to the President and the President’s brother’s drug cartel have been murdered, likely to stop them from testifying against them. Human rights and social movement leaders have been kidnapped and tortured, and in some cases, brutally killed. Their bodies are dumped off at the side of a road, which is a strategy to terrorize the population. There have also been 51 massacres in different parts of the country so far this year and often involve individuals dressed in police or military uniforms getting out of unmarked vehicles, open firing at groups of young people in public areas, and then fleeing the scene. The massacres and lack of investigations into why and who committed them, send a cold chill through communities and the entire population in Honduras. However, smaller groups of people still take to the streets to protest this corruption when demonstrations are organized.

Hondurans are well aware that Juan Orlando Hernandez (JOH) is scared and feeling insecure about his control over the Presidential Palace because he has been exposed as a co-conspirator in the drug case against his brother. They believe that while JOH remains in power, it is less likely that the US will ask for his extradition. Hondurans also understand that JOH is not only protecting his political power as President but also his and his brother’s drug cartel interests. Evidence brought forward in the NY trial reveals that their involvement in drug trafficking has converted them into one of the major suppliers of cocaine to the US through the infamous and now-imprisoned Mexican drug trafficker, Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman and the large, Mexican-based Sinaloa cartel. As one cooperating witness said in the New York trial when asked why he was scared to testify against Tony Hernandez, “All drug traffickers are dangerous and violent, but none are the brother of the President of a country that can control the military and the police.”

Edwin and I await an end to this fearful time. We are deeply grateful for the support we continue to receive from our community of Simcoe County that advocates for his freedom, the freedom of all political prisoners, and for human rights in Honduras. Thank you!

Karen Spring
Tegucigalpa, Honduras